Volume 2 (April), 2019: 31 – 42. NATIONAL SECURITY AND EFFECTIVE POLICING IN NIGERIA: ONDO STATE IN FOCUS
NATIONAL
SECURITY AND EFFECTIVE POLICING IN NIGERIA: ONDO STATE IN FOCUS
Celestine O. Jombo,
PhD
Department of Political Science and Public
Administration
Adekunle Ajasin University
Akungba Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria
+2348032430947;
+2348136578402
Abstract
Police reforms
have significant relationship with national security; this is because well
formulated police reforms, if faithfully
implemented are capable of guaranteeing national security, but police reforms
in Nigeria have proven to be problematic. Most changes introduced by the
Federal Government such as improved welfare package and new templates for
community policing do not seem to bring about the desired transformation that
will enhance effective policing in the country. The current security realities
facing the nation have further uncovered the police’s inability to effectively
prevent, detect and curb crimes and criminalities. The alarming crime rate has
led to general state of insecurity in the nation thereby threatening the growth
and consolidation of democracy. The study utilised data from both primary and
secondary sources to examine the circumstances surrounding the reforms, the
manner of implementation and the plethora of factors that have come to play in
the process of implementing the reforms. The findings showed that those reforms
were largely undermined by lack of transparency and accountability on the part
of police top hierarchies. The paper concludes that although police reforms
were instituted to bring about effective policing in Nigeria, such reforms had
failed to improve the performance of the police in the country.
Keywords:
Community
Policing, Crimes, Reforms, Security, Stability
Introduction
Crime causes loss
of lives and property as well as overwhelming fear of insecurity. An insecure
environment has serious consequences for democracy, economic development,
social capital advancement as well as peaceful living for the citizenry. Any
organized human community like the modern nation-state requires an agency that
will oversee the sustenance of law and order within it. For this reason, the
Police, an agency of the state responsible for maintaining public order,
preventing and detecting crime in close collaboration with other agencies, is
created and empowered to use force where necessary for the attainment of this
public goal.
In essence, the
Nigerian Police has a constitutional role of maintaining peace, ensuring public
safety and restoring order whenever there is a breakdown. Section 4 of the
Police Act, Decree 23 of 1979 as well as section 214 of the 1999 Constitution
jointly and clearly spelt out the key functions of the Nigeria Police to
include “the prevention and detection of crime, apprehension of offenders, the
preservation of law and order, the protection of life and property, and due
enforcement of all laws and regulations within Nigeria”.
Nigeria, like many
other nations around the world, has continued to witness upsurge in crimes for
the past three decades. Increasing incidences of armed robbery and other
organized crimes such as kidnapping has led to paralyzing fear of insecurity
which has in turn affected both economic and social life of the citizenry.
The current
realities facing the nation have further uncovered the Police’s inability to
effectively prevent, detect and curb crimes. More so, most changes introduced
by the Federal Government such as welfare package and community policing
reforms do not seem to have engendered the desired transformation that will
enhance effective policing in the country.
The Nigeria Police
had persistently performed below expectation in the discharge of its duties,
including its continued abrasive approach and orientation towards members of the
public. This is largely responsible for the gulf between the citizenry and
members of the force.
As captured by
Osaghae (2002), the character of a police force often reflects the social,
political and economic situations of the country within which it operates. As
an institution, the police force helps to preserve, fortify and reproduce the
prevailing social order. The origin and role of the police during the colonial
era has, for instance, been tendered as one factor which contributed
substantially to its current problems (Arase and Iwuofor, 2007). Thus, when the
social order is oppressive, exploitative or characterized by injustice, the
police unwittingly preserve it by suppressing and defusing aggressive public
demands.
It was evident by
the growing rate of crime when Nigeria returned to civil rule in 1999 that the
traditional policing methods have failed to address the problems of crime
increase. As a result of this, there arouse a need to shift to more “problem
focused” strategies for crime control. A similar experience, earlier in
history, in the advanced countries led to the introduction of certain policing
reforms to correct the weaknesses inherent in their policing structures which
had proven to be successful. Nigeria in line with this orientation also adopted
some of these reforms, more specifically the community policing initiatives and
welfare enhancement package to up the performance of the Police but the extent
to which these reforms are a success or failure in the Nigerian state is
largely yet to be determined. The degree to which these reforms have
contributed to police effectiveness is still open to scrutiny and forms the
main thrust of this paper but with specific reference to effective policing
mechanism in Ondo State.
Conceptual and Theoretical Considerations
The paper adopts a
combination of Policing and Organizational Change theories to scientifically analyze
the basis for instituting reforms in the Police Force and the factors
responsible for success or failure of such reforms. The key concepts of these
theories need to be conceptualized and operationalised to help situate and put
in contextual perspective the unique theme of this study.
According to
policing theory, three principles distinguish community-oriented policing from
the traditional policing mechanism; shared responsibility for community safety,
crime prevention, and officers’ discretion in the performance of police duties.
Unlike traditional policing philosophy, which places sole responsibility for
maintenance of public order in the hands of the police, community policing
stresses joint efforts and shared responsibility between the police and members
of the community. Such shared responsibility requires regular and persistent
communication as essential ingredient for building mutual trust and cooperation
between residents and policemen working in their community.
Whereas
traditional policing largely involves responding to calls for service once a
crime has been committed, community policing involves joint efforts at
identifying the root causes of crime and taking steps to alter such conditions.
As a problem-solving orientation that typically involves collaboration between
policemen, community members, and other public and civil society organizations
in the development and implementation of community development programmes,
community policing stresses a preventive, rather than reactive orientation.
Operationally, this means policemen have to acquire new skills and orientation
that are slightly at variance with the basic policing procedure training that
police colleges located across the country provide at entry points.
In addition,
community policing theorists are of the view that for optimal results aimed at
improving security of life and property; community leaders and members have to
become more involved in crime prevention through crime reporting, provision of
timely intelligence on the activities of criminals and miscreants, as well as
organizing neighbourhood watch or vigilante groups with the active involvement
of the police formation.
Shared
responsibility also requires policemen to respond to problems that community
members identify as important. Police officers have to be given the opportunity
to attend community meetings and establish informal interactions with community
residents. It also means that officers are assigned ‘permanent’ beats so that
they can integrate with the community they serve.
Similarly, the
community policing philosophy stresses increased use of discretionary powers
over their modus operandi in line with the need to be responsive to community
concerns and build community confidence. Rather than recourse to standard
operating procedures as contained in the Police Act, they have to be given
enough latitude to handle problems in a way they believe will be most
effective. Officers would therefore need a high degree of creativity in the
process of addressing community needs. It is evident that such changes in
procedure require a high degree of decentralization of the police command
structure.
The relevance of this
theory to the present study is that most of the reforms introduced to the
police by government were meant to improve the structure and to make the Police
friendlier to members of the public. These efforts on the parts of government
to improve policing capacity often fail when they are perceived differently by
police officers. It is obvious that when reforms geared towards improving
policing effectiveness is not perceived favourably by police stakeholders as
compared to when there were no reforms at all; there is tendency for the police
to be ineffective in preventing crime in the society.
On the other hand,
organizational change theory introduces a process model of a ‘change counter
resistant system’ (Hills, 2008: 217).
Likely explanations for resistance to organizational change are advanced in
order to help foresee and plan for minimizing the potentially negative effects
of resistance to change as represented by police reforms in Nigeria.
The processes and
dynamics of change in the functioning, structure and workforce of organizations
is a well documented subject in the literature (Babarinde, 2006; Goldstein,
1990; Hills, 2008; Ikuteyijo, 2009). But most writers on organizations seem to
advance some arguments on the phenomena and consequences of change from their
own particular perspective. Theories of change management however, are far from
complete and the phenomena of change management are relatively poorly examined.
As Barley (1992) rightly noted, in relation to both change interventions at an
overall organizational level and changes at an individual task level, there is
little commonly agreed position in the form of action guides for either
participants or managers. This absence of any unifying theories that explain
change as a dynamic systematic process might be justified, or at least
explained, by the number, complexity and variability of the factors involved.
Issues as diverse as individual psychological phenomena to macro economic and
political theory all have their place in explaining organizational change.
A recurring theme
of many writers, is that the effects and consequences of organizational change
can be widespread, even from the most seemingly insignificant alteration to a
task or procedure, through to major organizational re-structuring and re-sizing.
The consequential effects of either the prospect of change or the actual
implementation of change are often found to extend far beyond the immediate
issue that is the focus of the change itself (Barley and Egon, 1984).
It may be
demonstrated that within organizations, such reactions frequently produce
antagonism towards the source of stress, which may rightly or wrongly be
perceived as the change. When the change relates to work associated procedures,
or structures, the negative outcomes can range from a temporary and marginal
reduction in productivity, through to internal sabotage or major industrial
action. The outcomes will be dependent upon a number of inter-relating factors
and competing individual objectives such as the security of employment, future
potential remuneration, and type of work (Brann and Whalley, 1992; Cooper and
Lobitz, 1992; Hills, 2008; Wilson, 1968).
This theory is
relevant to the discussion of reforms introduced into the police because such
reforms were meant to improve the modus operandi of the police. But when
government intentions on reforms are misconstrued by police officers, this may
spur them to react by performing their duties differently. In view of this, in
order to describe the process of change in police organizations, it is
necessary to consider not only the human reactions to change but also the
mechanistic organizational functions and processes that bring about those
effects in humans. Any attempt to disentangle functional processes and
structural issues from the social and psychological aspects of the workforce
will result in an incomplete analysis. Therefore, it is suggested that an
integrative and holistic approach is necessary to understand and explain the
processes of change in police organizations.
National Security and Police Reforms in Nigeria:
Issues, Challenges and Prospects
The place of
effective policing in any nation’s security architecture cannot be
over-emphasized. This is because, no nation can thrive in an atmosphere of
insecurity (Nwabueze, et al, 2014).Traditionally, the maintenance of law and
order in any society is usually the exclusive role of conventional police. This
is especially true of egalitarian societies where the rule of law is observed;
the police serve as the vanguard for social democracy, respect for human rights
and institution of socio-economic justice. However, in Nigeria, most of the
problems that have eroded the credibility and efficiency of the police is tied
to “the rise of the military state in Nigeria,” where government rule by force,
harassment and intimidation, as well as the threat of imprisonment (Onoja,
2007).
Alemika and
Chukwuma (2001) are of the view that misconception of the constitutional role
of the police derives from the historical legacy of using the police to
suppress the citizens by both colonial and post colonial governments in
Nigeria. The extensive level of impunity condoned under colonialism as well as
successive military and civilian governments since independence under the guise
of combating crime and maintaining public order have been cited as examples of
how a prevailing social order impacts on policing (Tamuno, 1970; Isibor, 2000).
This may have informed Onoja’s submission that police violence, as a social
problem thrives under dictatorial political systems and exploitative economic
relations (Onoja, 2007).
Rotimi (2001) once
pontificated that confidence building has been a major dilemma of policing in
Nigeria. It has been difficult for the police to present itself as a
people-oriented institution, and for that reason, has not been able to achieve
the kind of functional cooperation that will enhance its performance from
members of the public. The loss of confidence in the Nigeria Police as an
institution has prevented the public from working closely with police officers.
This explains why some communities have resorted to self-help and vigilantism
rather than rely on the official police institution.
The decision to
implement police reforms in Nigeria has existed since independence but for want
of focus, the paper places emphasis on reforms efforts engineered into the
Nigeria Police since the country returned to democratic rule in 1999.
Essentially, the
history of police reforms in Nigeria had been an interesting one in the sense
that since the nation transmitted to civil rule in 1999, the police have set
and reset different number of reforms in what has become a popular parlance
among Nigeria’s policy makers. However, most of these reforms have been
described as representing the interests of government of the day rather than
serving the interest of the public they are meant to protect (Hills, 2008). For
instance, police reforms formed one of the major priority areas of the
Obasanjo’s administration between 1999 and 2007 (Arase and Iwuofor, 2007;
Abati, 2008). Musiliu Smith, the first Inspector General of Police (IGP) under
the new democratic dispensation which commenced in 1999, launched a 6-point
agenda aimed at redeeming the “lost glory” of the police as well as improvement
in the welfare of officers. There was also assistance from other countries like
the British and American Governments, which assisted in the setting up of the
Network on Police Reforms in Nigeria (NOPRIN).
The police institution
however suffered a major setback during this period as the nation witnessed its
first ever police strike with several police officers abandoning their duty
posts in protest against accumulated years of neglect of welfare and material
needs. The police also lost many of its officers to high network crimes like armed
robbery, kidnapping, oil theft, and in face-offs with ethnic militias around
the country. Mr Tafa Balogun took over the reins of leadership from Musiliu Smith
and he immediately came up with his 8-point agenda popularized with the slogan
“Operation Fire for Fire” due to the high rate of insecurity which enveloped
the country over the period.
In 2005, Mr Sunday
Ehindero became the Inspector General of Police and launched his 10-point
agenda with prime attention paid to police accountability and capacity building.
He changed the more militaristic slogan “Operation fire for fire” to a more
civil one “To serve and protect with integrity”. His successor, Mike Okiro came
up with a 9-point agenda in 2007, while Mr Ogbonna Onovo declared a 3-point
agenda in 2009 following his appointment as the Inspector General of Police. However,
most of these reforms could not translate into appreciable improvement in the
operational performance of the Nigeria police nor were they able to bridge the
gap between the police and the citizenry. Both Hills (2008) and Ikuteyijo
(2009) had contended that though reforms could make a normative and
organizational difference in the Nigerian Police, the effect of such reforms
would only be “superficial, localized and temporary” in the absence of
fundamental socio-political changes.
Similarly, Abati
(2008: 12) had observed that “one lesson that we learnt is that when government
talks about police reforms or when every new Inspector General waves the banner
of reforms, they do so merely as an attention-grabbing gesture and as an
opportunity to spend more money and award contracts.” It is therefore needless
to say then that the challenges facing police institution in Nigeria is not one
that will be addressed by public declarations of slogans but through sincere
efforts of all stakeholders in the business of securing a safe environment for
all.
It is apposite to
note that under the Yar’adua-Jonathan administration, a lot of reforms were
also instituted, and these initiatives only appeared promising on paper but
hardly made any perceptible change.
The failure of all
these reform initiatives to facilitate the emergence of a people-oriented
police organisation has led to renewed calls from a broad spectrum of concerned
groups for a rethink of existing regulations with a view to, among others,
putting in place a better welfare package for serving officers and men;
creation of a police union; reducing manipulation of the police by private
interests and federal authorities; and ultimately, decentralizing the police
institution in such a way that control will rest with the political authority
in each state of the federation rather than with the Federal Government (Rotimi
2001: 16). However, those opposed to such strategy are quick to point out that
despite the merits of the arguments advanced by those canvassing for state police;
the peculiarity of the Nigerian political environment makes the prospect of its
success as an antidote to police inefficiency doubtful. This debate continues
to rage especially with rapid deterioration of public safety, security and the increasing
rate of criminality and political violence in Nigeria.
This debate has
allowed increasing involvement of the civil society in various moves to
institute reforms that traverse the entire security architecture of the nation.
A workshop that took place in November 2003 in Elmina, Ghana, under the
auspices of Africa Dialogue and Security Research (ADSR), drew participation
from the academia, security management practitioners, and representatives of
various security sectors, civil society and government across West Africa. The
agenda covered a multitude of subjects on security governance, governance of
police and policing, governance of intelligence and armed forces (Titus 2013,
p.72).
Similarly, in
April 2004, a national Summit on crime and policing organized by network on
Police Reforms in Nigeria (NOPRIN), in collaboration with the Force Headquarters,
Abuja, discussed, among others, issues of police accountability in the policing
sector, the challenges of crime and policing, issues of effectiveness and
efficiency, and the introduction of community and informal policing in Nigeria.
Other discussions have since been held on modalities for the implementation of
community policing in line with the current trends in law enforcement globally.
More recently in
April 2014, A Dialogue on Governance, organized by the African Security Sector
Network (ASSN) was held in Cotonou, Republic of Benin. The workshop brought
members of the ASSN together with African security sectors practitioners to
discuss ways to strengthen security sector governance and reforms across the
African region, including strategies for disseminating “best practices” among
African Union (AU) countries.
As observed by Enitanbi
and Innocent (2004), the issues addressed by most discussions both within and
outside Nigeria on police reforms, showed an increasing concern for effective
policing, while it may not be plausible to judge the impact of the reforms
instituted into the police force since the inception of this republic, looking
back at efforts since 1999 and comparing the rhetoric to the reality, it is
difficult to observe any significant change in the conduct and attitude of the
Nigerian Police Force. The reform initiatives have, till date, tended to be
superficial and disjointed. None has acknowledged the existence of the problems
of torture and deaths in custody, let alone prioritized human rights
protection. While there have been improvements in the remuneration and welfare
package for office as well as an increase in the size of the force, local human
rights organizations and lawyers say there has been no marked reduction in the
rate of human rights violations, such as torture, killing and extortion
committed by the police since 1999 (Nwabueze et al, 2014). Therefore, the major
issue of interest of this paper is not how other entities in the society view
reforms and its impact on police effectiveness, but on how members of the
police force view the role such reforms in their organizations has played on
the way they carry out their jobs.
Police Reforms and Effective Policing in Nigeria: Insights
from Ondo State.
The issue of
security and policing in Nigeria are largely a national concern but to access
the performance of police reforms on a nationwide scale is obviously beyond the
scope of this paper. As a remedy, an empirical assessment of the contributions
of both welfare package and community policing initiatives was undertaken in
Ondo State, ultimately to uncover some insiders’ views on those reforms. This
is increasingly necessarily because the success or failure of the said reforms
rest largely on the perception and activities of the police personnel.
It should be
recalled that the introduction of police welfare package reforms was a welcome
development to officers and men of the Nigeria Police who believed it would go
a long way in addressing most of their challenges and making them to be more
focused on their jobs. It was however pathetic to discover that the reform failed
to bring about the desired change. The
fact that several police officers down-tooled in protest against accumulated
years of neglect of welfare and material needs was a stamp of failure for the
reform initiatives.
On paper, the
police welfare package reform was quite impressive. Its theoretical
underpinnings were laudable and would have boosted the image and subsequent
performance of the Nigeria Police if meticulously executed. But its
implementation was fraught with human error as occasioned by greed, selfishness
and atavistic and primitive accumulation of wealth for which former IGPs
Musiliu Smith, Tafa Balogun and other high-ranking officials both within and
outside the force were the chief culprits (Ikuteyijo, 2009). Indeed, some of
the opinion expressed by members of the police force regarding the impact of
the welfare package reforms on policing effectiveness in Ondo State was quite
revealing and these further gave evidence to the positions of this paper. For
instance, a police corporal1 lends his voice when he insisted that “we
were all happy when government responded to our situation by introducing the
welfare package reforms but seriously disappointed when our bosses embezzled
the money. Some of us deliberately misbehaved on the job to spite the
government.”
The critical
factor which undermined the success of welfare package reform as revealed was
the apparent corrupt tendencies of officers of the top echelon of the police
force. Commenting on the same issue, a police inspector2, put it
this way; “what is responsible for police incompetence is basically
government’s lack of concern about police officers. The reform failed when they
failed to faithfully implement it for selfish reasons and we became more bribe
prone because we had to make ends meet.”
In the same vein,
a woman police sergeant3 described the situation of police reform as
falling below the expectations of officers and men of the Nigeria Police, she pointedly
said “when Tafa Balogun came, we thought with his tough talking he would make a
change but his criminal embezzlement of our funds created in us a sense of
despair and helplessness which drastically undermined our performance as
officers of the law.”
Overall, the
implication of these revelations by police personnel is that welfare package
reforms failed to achieve the desired improvement on police performance on
their jobs. It also uncovered the singular fact that any reform that would
bring about the desired positive change must be built on transparency and
accountability with total collaboration of all relevant stakeholders both
within and outside the police hierarchy.
Similarly, it is
opposite to point out that community policing initiatives was adopted in
Nigeria as a result of its successes in some advanced countries. The rationale
behind it was to make Nigeria Police more public-friendly and to make the
people more cooperative with the police institution. This was majorly intended
to promote cooperative approach between members of the public and the police in
preventing and combating crime. However, evidences of its abysmal failure abound
which may not be unconnected with its manners of adoption and subsequent
execution.
For instance, the
blueprint of community policing reforms was said to have been copied from
overseas with little or no consideration of the socio-cultural milieu and other
exigencies of the Nigerian society. The truth is that a policy framework or
strategy may be working in one clime but socio-cultural variables and other
factors must be taken into account before it can be adapted to suit the peculiar
needs of another.
On this very
issue, Adekunle Falade4, a police inspector, specifically argues;
“Nigeria is so used to copying foreign countries that they usually miss the
mark. The community policing reform was introduced without adequate planning
which led to its failure. Many of us as police officers believed the reform
would render the police powerless and irrelevant and thus acted to undermine
it. All these interplays led to the failure of the reform”.
Similarly, as
rightly noted by Titus (2013), it is obvious that officers and men of the
Nigeria police are so cynical that relating with members of the public is
highly improbable and the fact that the public loathes the police force also
make the success of the community policing reform highly unlikely. This view
was corroborated by another police sergent5 when he said that “building
trust between the police and the public was not adequately conducted before
initiating the reforms. Two groups that have lived together like cat and mouse
for a long time were expected to be friendly overnight; the fact that this is
not possible shows that reforms are not magical but must be assiduously planned
for and executed with common sense.”
On
the whole, several top police officers had since assumed office as Inspectors
General of Police and retired, including Mike Okiro, Ogbonna Onovo, Hifiz Ringim,
M.D. Abubakar, Suleiman Abah, Solomon Arase, Ibrahim Idris and many others. The
current IGP, Mohammed Adamu, since assuming office in January 2019 had prioritized
his agenda to include human rights, training and re-training, crime prevention
mechanism, transparency and accountability, intelligence gathering and data
collection upgrade, and inter-agency cooperation. He has also been very
creative with ideas on how to transform the Nigeria Police using the community
policing model and other initiatives. To begin to assess his tenure now is not
only ill-timed but counter-productive. However, going by the current security
situation in the country, effective policing both in Ondo State and the nation
at large still remain a hoax.
Concluding Remarks
The increasing
rate of crime puts police effectiveness in Ondo State and the nation at large
under serious scrutiny. In spite of the introduction of countless reforms, which
includes among others, improved welfare package and community policing, the
Nigeria Police has been static and, in some cases, retrogressive in its ability
to combat crime. This has indeed constituted a challenge to both government and
the citizenry; especially within the Nigerian contextual milieu where crime and
security threats are endemic and a recurring problem.
For the most parts,
this paper had reiterated the urgent need for reforms to improve police
capacity to effectively combat crime. It had equally highlighted some potential
gains of these reform initiatives but the way and manner both the Federal Government
and top echelon of the police often approach the actualization of these reforms
fall below expectation. And the aftermath is usually the vicious cycle of
uncertainty and insecurity which continue to suffocate the peace of the nation
and the wellbeing of its people.
From the
foregoing, it becomes increasing necessary for government to understand that
provision of security top the list of its responsibilities to the citizenry and
since the police institution forms part of the major security apparatus of the
nation, it deserves to get robust welfare package including life insurance
cover for engaging in their duty. Government should also ensure that hard work
and diligence in the police attract commensurate rewards and recognition. More
so, reforms meant for the Nigeria police should be well planned and integrated
in a cross-cutting way into the socio-economic policies and programmes of government
including employment, education, health, housing and other social services.
This will go a long way in ensuring that police personnel are well motivated to
put in their best effort in the prevention and combat of crimes.
Most importantly, all
reform initiatives must respect human rights and the rule of law. Cognizance
should be taken of the links between local and transnational police reform
initiatives and bodies and effective channeling of this into a problem-solving
package for the Nigeria Police. This is because the Nigeria police does not
exist in isolation of other police organisations around the world and can
borrow a leaf from their successes and failures. In addition, reform
initiatives should take particular account of the varying needs of male and
female police officers, and the different roles they play in protecting lives
and property of the citizenry.
The principles and
guidelines for the implementation of police reforms should recognize and
incorporate the differing roles and places of the different levels of
government, promote inter-agency collaboration and accommodate the inputs of
non-governmental organizations. Proper socialization into a public friendly
readiness mentality via specialized training programmes should be instituted
and carried out to a logical conclusion among police personnel to eradicate
cynicism and suspicion of the public. This will invariably foster harmonious
relations between police personnel and members of the public.
There is need for
a reform of the Nigeria Police Code of Conduct to accommodate new ideas of
modern policing endeavours. It should be made to conform to international best
practices and also reflect the new orientation and direction of
community-oriented policing intended for the police. To be able to achieve
this, changes in the operational procedures of the Nigeria police as contained
in the Police Act are recommended. This would require a high degree of
decentralisation of the police command structure to cater for local and
community-based security needs. Community policing philosophy harps on
increased use of discretionary powers in place of standard modus operandi to be
able to respond to community concerns and build people’s confidence. Personnel
of the police would therefore need a high degree of creativity in the process
of addressing community-based security needs of the nation.
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Titus, A.J. (2013). “The Role of Reforms
on Policing Effectiveness”. An Unpublished M.Sc Thesis, Department of Political
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Wilson,
J. Q. (1968). Varieties of Police Behavior. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
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Endnotes
1.
Interview
conducted with a Police Corporal serving in ‘A’ Division Police Station, Akure,
on the 20th October, 2014.
2.
Interview
held with a Police Inspector attached to Area Commander’s Office, Ondo State
Police Command on the 17th January, 2015.
3.
Interview
held with a Woman Sergeant serving at the Divisional Police Headquarters,
Okitipupa, Ondo State Police Command on December 9, 2014.
4.
Interview
granted by Adekunle Falade, an Assistant Superintendent of Police, attached to
the State C.I.D., Ondo State Command Headquarters, Igbatoro Road, Akure on the 12th
November, 2015.
5.
Interview
held with a Police Sergeant serving in the Divisional Police Station, Akungba,
Akungba Akoko, on 7th August, 2015.
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